By Gurnam Singh | Opinion |
As we approach the final stage of what is a historic US election campaign, the prospect of Donald Trump’s re-election generates significant fear for people who value democracy and the rule of law both in the US and across the world. Trump’s actions during his first term raised alarms about his authoritarian tendencies. Many fear he might undermine the justice system to obstruct ongoing investigations against him and politicise law enforcement agencies. But its Trump’s overtures to a hotchpotch of white supremacists, Christian evangelicals and his unrelenting divisive and threatening rhetoric and rampant egotism that sets the alarm bells ringing.
Authoritarian leaders, throughout history have drawn upon religious sentiment to consolidate power by a combination of demonisation of the other (religious minorities, women, blacks, those deemed to belong to lower classes/castes, sexual minorities, women, disabled people, migrants, asylum seekers, etc) weaving narratives of divine purpose with political ideology. From Adolf Hitler’s exploitation of Christian symbols to Narendra Modi’s deployment of Hindu nationalism, and Donald Trump’s embrace of Christian evangelicalism, religion has proven to be a potent tool for those with fascistic tendencies to appeal to a mass base, legitimizing their authority and ultimately violence as part of a divine mission to restore the natural order of things as ordained by God.
Aurangzeb, the sixth Mughal emperor, is one of the most controversial figures in Indian history, is remembered for his religious orthodoxy and his harsh policies toward non-Muslims. He justified his brutality and policies of repression as part of his commitment to upholding and expanding Islamic law (Sharia) and divine will. Indeed, Aurangzeb justified his actions by portraying himself as a mujahid, or a warrior for Islam, and by emphasizing his role as a defender of the faith. He saw his reign as a mission to restore Islamic purity and believed it was his divine duty to cleanse his empire of practices that deviated from orthodox Islam.
In the current US presidential campaign, we see in the figure of Donald Trump a leader who as skilfully woven a religious revivalist narrative into his “America First” ideology, positioning himself as a champion of Christian values while appealing to the deep-seated fears and desires of his evangelical and religious base. This blend of religion and the politics of nationalism forms a powerful yet political tool that merges the defence of traditional values with the notion that America has a divinely ordained destiny.
A recent prayer event held for Donald Trump in Miami, where Latino supporters laid hands on him and prayed for his electoral victory, starkly illustrates the powerful blend of religion and politics in his movement. At the event, Trump was gifted religious items, including an artwork of the Virgin Mary, and speakers framed the election as a spiritual war between “good and evil.” This display underscores Trump’s role as a figure of divine purpose in the eyes of his followers. Trump has repeatedly utilized such religious imagery and language to foster a sense of spiritual urgency around his “America First” agenda, tapping into evangelical Christian voters. Figures like Pastor Paula White, who preaches the “prosperity gospel,” have promoted the idea that Trump is chosen by God to restore America’s greatness, intertwining wealth, faith, and political legitimacy.
Similarly, in India, Narendra Modi has overtly deployed religious nationalism through his Hindutva ideology to galvanize support for his vision of a Hindu-centric India. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), under Modi’s leadership, has fostered a political climate where Hinduism is not merely a religion, but a cultural identity synonymous with Indian nationalism. Modi’s political rallies and speeches often invoke Hindu symbols and mythology, positioning his leadership as a restoration of India’s past glory. This blending of religion with nationalism has been used to marginalize religious minorities, particularly Muslims, casting them as outsiders or threats to the Hindu nation. Much like Trump’s evangelical base, Modi’s supporters view his rise to power as divinely sanctioned, providing a spiritual framework for his policies of exclusion and repression.
Adolf Hitler, though rejecting Christianity as a doctrine, manipulated religious symbols to promote his vision of Aryan supremacy. As Richard Weikart explores in his book Hitler’s Religion, Hitler’s antisemitism was deeply tied to his belief in Social Darwinism, where race was a central, biologically determined factor. Hitler distorted Christian imagery, promoting a form of militant “Christianity of the sword” that viewed Jesus as an antisemitic figure. The swastika—prominently featured in Nazi propaganda, including the image uploaded—was itself a symbol repurposed from ancient religious contexts to signify Aryan racial purity. Unlike Trump and Modi, who court existing religious institutions, Hitler aimed to dismantle traditional Christian churches, replacing them with a racial and pseudo-religious worldview based on the brutal laws of nature. His racial ideology justified the genocidal ambitions of the Nazi regime, including the annihilation of the Jewish people, whom he saw as a threat to the natural order.
Though these leaders manipulate religious and racial narratives differently, their common goal is clear: to consolidate power by positioning themselves as messianic figures who alone can restore their nations to a state of purity and greatness. While Hitler’s regime sought to fundamentally restructure society based on racial purity, Trump and Modi use religion to maintain power by fostering cultural and national divisions, weaponizing faith to legitimize their authoritarian rule.
Gurnam Singh is an academic activist dedicated to human rights, liberty, equality, social and environmental justice. He is an Associate Professor of Sociology at University of Warwick, UK. He can be contacted at Gurnam.singh.1@warwick.ac.uk
* This is the opinion of the writer and does not necessarily represent the views of Asia Samachar.
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