By Gurnam Singh | Opinion |
The recent announcement by Baba Harnam Singh Dhumma, the head of the Damdami Taksal, to offer his support to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) should come as no surprise to anyone familiar with the political currents within Sikh religious institutions. At a press conference in Mumbai organized by Sikh Samaj Maharashtra, on Nov 18, 2024, Dhumma publicly endorsed the BJP, citing its welfare schemes for the Sikh community as one reason.
The support came ahead of the state elections on Nov 20 with Mahayuti, comprising the BJP, Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde), and NCP (Ajit Pawar), facing Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA), comprising the Congress, Shiv Sena (UBT), and NCP (Sharad Pawar). Mahayuti is expected to grab most of the 288 seats in the polls.
From his inauguration as head of Damdami Taksal in January 2005, Dhumma’s has been seen by his opponents as a stooge of the state or ‘sarkari sant’. There is no doubting that this move represents a culmination of years of growing political alignment between Sikh groups aligned to the Sant Samaj (Society of Saints), of which Dhumma is head, and the Hindu nationalist party. With the meltdown of the Akali Dal, fragmentation amongst the Panth, and dysfunctionality of the SGPC, the implications of this endorsement are far-reaching the Sikh community and its institutions in India.
GROWING LINK BETWEEN TAKSAL, BJP
The Damdami Taksal, one of the oldest and most influential Sikh institutions, has been a major force in shaping Sikh religious and political identity. Founded by Baba Deep Singh in the 18th century, it has been a custodian of Sikh traditions and has held a significant place in the community, particularly in preserving the teachings of Guru Gobind Singh. Over the years, the Taksal has seen its role evolve, especially during the turbulent 1980s when it became a centre for Sikh sovereignty movements, led by figures like Baba Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale.
Bhindranwale emerged as a prominent Sikh leader in the late 1970s, advocating for the protection of Sikh religious rights and greater autonomy within India. As the leader of the Damdami Taksal, he campaigned against what he saw as the Indian government’s marginalization of Sikhs and promoted the Anandpur Sahib Resolution, which called for greater Sikh self-governance. Over time, his calls for autonomy evolved into support for an independent Sikh state, Khalistan. Bhindranwale used both religious influence and armed resistance to advance this cause. His rhetoric resonated with many Sikhs, especially within the diaspora, and he became a symbol of Sikh pride and defiance against perceived oppression.
Dhumma’s open declaration of support for the BJP should not be seen as a “road to Damascus” moment, but rather as symbolic of the Damdami Taksal’s shift away from the Sikh nationalist policies championed by his predecessor toward the Hindu nationalist agenda pursued by the BJP. Some may point to earlier moves, such as the involvement of Professor Sarchand Singh, who served as a spokesperson for the Taksal before becoming a vocal BJP supporter, as a precursor to this public endorsement. Further evidence of Dhumma’s political U-turn can be seen in his refusal to support the Sarbat Khalsa convened on November 10, 2015, in Chabba village, where over half a million Sikhs from around the world gathered.
Additionally, the BJP’s increasing patronage of major events commemorating Sikh history, such as the 350th birth anniversary of Guru Gobind Singh Ji at Patna Sahib in 2017 and the 550th birth anniversary of Guru Nanak Ji in 2018-19, signals a growing alignment between the BJP and segments of the Sikh community.
Dhumma has also become a regular presence at the annual Fateh Divas event in Delhi, which commemorates the Sikh victory over the Mughal rulers. While there is nothing inherently wrong with attending such events, the fact that BJP leaders like Amit Shah and Narendra Modi are also regular attendees, and the narrative being presented increasingly portrays Sikhs as staunch defenders of India, raises concerns.
In his defence, Dhumma has argued that the BJP-led Mahayuti government in Maharashtra has implemented welfare schemes for Sikhs, presenting this as a justification for his endorsement. Moreover, he argues that the Taksaal has a long-standing relationship with the Mumbai Sangat and that he was supporting the local sangats desire to build strong relationships with the local BJP for strategic and pragmatic reasons.
However, this claim seems hollow when considering the broader political climate in India, particularly the BJP’s complex relationship with the Sikh community. The BJP’s refusal to release political prisoners and its ongoing transnational repression of Sikhs advocating for sovereignty, all contribute to the growing tension. While some may view Dhumma’s stance as politically pragmatic, others see it as an attempt to align with a party whose policies many Sikhs find troubling.
THE IRONY OF EMBRACING HINDUTVA
The irony of Dhumma’s support for the BJP is undeniable. While he embraces a party whose political right-wing Hindu nationalist ideology is contrary to Sikh teaching, he does so knowing that the BJP’s policy is framing Sikhism as the sword arm Hinduism. Ideology aside, on the ground level, the BJP has continued to push policies that undermine the economic and social welfare of Sikh farmers, particularly in Punjab, where agrarian distress has led to widespread protests. The 2020 farm laws and the subsequent farmers agitation serve as a glaring example of how the BJP’s policies have failed to address the demands of the Sikhs.
Dhumma’s endorsement seems to ignore these larger issues and risks alienating a significant portion of the Sikh community, both in India and abroad that remains opposed to BJP’s Hindu nationalist agenda. Perhaps the fact that the people of Panjab have consistently rejected the BJP in elections and have instead aligned themselves to parties advocating a secular politics, confirms how out of touch Dhumma is from Panthic sentiment.
POLITICAL AND SYMBOLIC SIGNIFICANCE FOR THE SIKH PANTH
The Damdami Taksal’s endorsement of the BJP is a move that has significant symbolic and political consequences. Historically, as argued earlier, the Taksal was a beacon for the Sikh struggle for self-determination and sovereignty, particularly under the leadership of Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. In the 1980s, the Taksal became a centre of resistance against the Indian government during the insurgency for Khalistan, and many of the community’s martyrs came from within its ranks.
From his inauguration as Head of the Mehta Chowk Dera, to the present moment, Dhumma has been mired in controversy. When took over as the head of the Taksal in 2005, he did so in controversial circumstances that led to a there way split, with Amrik Singh Ajnala and Giani Ram Singh, parting company and establishing their own Dera’s. For many years, Dhumma was closely aligned with the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and the Badal dynasty. Indeed, he was so close to the Badals that, even when they were mired in the controversial apology of the convicted rapist God Man, Gurmeet Ram Raheem during the election campaign he famously issued an edict to the Sikh Nation to say prayers to help Parkash Singh Badal secure a victory. Its worth noting at the time that the Akali Dal were in coalition with the BJP and Parkash Badal was known to be personally close to BJP Prime Minister, Narendra Modi.
However, the Taksal’s recent fall-out with the Badals and support for the BJP, signals a dramatic shift in Sikh politics, one that could further erode the distinction between Sikh religious institutions and political parties. The endorsement risks undermining the Taksal’s standing as a neutral spiritual institution, instead painting it as politically compromised. This move has drawn criticism from the Akali Dal, who see it as sign of BJP’s infiltration into Sikh institutions.
The BJP’s outreach to Sikh institutions, including the Damdami Taksal, has been a carefully calculated strategy. The BJP, alongside its ideological partner the RSS, has long sought to co-opt Sikh religious leaders and organizations to legitimize its narrative of “Hindu unity.” As Sarchand Singh, a BJP spokesperson and former Taksal spokesman, put it, Sikh bodies like the Akali Dal have failed to stand up for the community’s rights, leaving a vacuum that the BJP is all too willing to fill.
A DIVISIVE MOMENT FOR THE SIKH COMMUNITY
For the Panth, this is a moment of reckoning. Dhumma’s endorsement of the BJP raises uncomfortable questions about the role of religious leaders in political alliances. In a diverse and pluralistic society like India, the embrace of a party with such a divisive ideological platform could deepen divisions within the Sikh community, already split over issues like the legacy of Operation Blue Star, the call for Khalistan, and various Maryada related issues. The Taksal’s support for the BJP risks fracturing the Sikh community’s unity further at a time when religious and political polarization is at an all-time high. In the coming months and years, the true impact of this decision will become clearer, but one thing is certain: the Damdami Taksal’s support for the BJP has sparked a debate that will continue to resonate within the Sikh Panth for generations to come.
Gurnam Singh is an academic activist dedicated to human rights, liberty, equality, social and environmental justice. He is an Associate Professor of Sociology at University of Warwick, UK. He can be contacted at Gurnam.singh.1@warwick.ac.uk
* This is the opinion of the writer and does not necessarily represent the views of Asia Samachar.
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