Baljinder Singh in a video uploaded by his ministry on the day after the Panjab court sentenced him to life imprisonment for raping a woman – Photo: Screengrab from video shared at Prophet Bajinder Singh Youtube
By Asia Samachar | Malaysia |
An Indian court has sentenced self-styled Christian preacher and self-proclaimed healer Bajinder Singh to life imprisonment for raping a woman in 2018.
The woman had accused Singh of raping her at his home in the northern state of Punjab, recording the act and using the video later to blackmail her.
The Punjab court verdict, delivered by Additional District and Sessions Judge (ADSJ) Vikrant Kumar on March 28, found Baljinder guilty under sections 376 (rape), 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), and 506 (criminal intimidation) of the Indian Penal Code.
Following the ruling, Singh was immediately taken into custody and transferred to Patiala Jail, according to media reports.
Baljinder, who claims to have milliopns of followers and who calls himself ‘Prophet Baljinder Singh’ on a Youtube channel promiting his church, rose to fame for his evangelist-style preaching and events, where he can be seen “healing” people suffering from serious illnesses by placing his hands on them.
His Church of Glory and Wisdom – which is one of the largest private churches in Punjab – counts some Bollywood stars as followers and says it has branches across the world, reported BBC.
According to his website, the branches are in countries such as the US, UK and Canada.
The preacher, who attends well-attended sessions in sharp suits, is known for giving fiery sermons – often claiming that he can make people extremely wealthy and cure them of illnesses. In many of his viral videos, he can be seen whipping the crowds into a frenzy.
He places his hands on his followers who shake and convulse before claiming to be miraculously healed from whatever is ailing them, the report added.
On April 1, his church had had uploaded a video in which Baljinder is seen raising his hands in prayer and blessings for someone with some illness.
The victim’s lawyer Anil Sagar said the the court had delivered an “exemplary punishment”, adding that leniency in such cases where people use their social position to rape poor and weak people increases the confidence of predators.
The preacher has also been accused of sexual assault by at least two other women. In February, police began an investigation after a former disciple accused him of sexual assault, added the BBC report.
Days later, the Punjab police registered a third case against Singh for allegedly assaulting another woman after a prayer session. He has denied both the allegations.
His churches have also faced financial scrutiny. In January last year, some of them were investigated by India’s income-tax department.
Born in Haryana state in a Hindu family, he reportedly converted to Christianity about 15 years ago when he was in prison. Media reports said he was in jail in connection with a murder case, but he has publicly not commented on it, the report added.
On his ministry’s website, this is what was found today on Baljinder: “My name is Bajinder Singh. I was born on 10/9/1982. My father was a farmer and also used to do a government job, from the eighth grade, some evil forces harassed me, due to which my nature became irritable. I went into the wrong company and for 4-5 years I beat many people, my nature it had happened Because of a big fight, I was in jail for 1.5 years, then I started searching for that god, I could see the demonic powers, she used to kill me even in jail, because of this I also tried to commit suicide.
“My parents and relatives had also separated from me in jail, so I would think of dying due to depression, and at night I would be very scared, I would go out awake all night, and when I was afraid, I would take the names of all the Gods, But still evil forces haunt me. Then someone gave me the Bible.”
ASIA SAMACHAR is an online newspaper for Sikhs / Punjabis in Southeast Asia and beyond. You can leave your comments at our website, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. We will delete comments we deem offensive or potentially libelous. You can reach us via WhatsApp +6017-335-1399 or email: asia.samachar@gmail.com. For obituary announcements, click here
Maharashtra has taken steps to implement the Sikh Anand Karaj Marriage Act, allowing Sikhs to finally register their marriages under the legislation instead of the Hindu Marriage Act.
On February 25, the state’s minority department had issued directives to all departmental commissioners for the statewide implementation of the Sikh Anand Karaj Marriage Act.
In 2012, the Indian Parliament passed the Anand Marriage (Amendment) Bill, bringing Sikh traditional marriages under the purview of legal recognition, and allowing them to register their marriages under the Anand Marriage Act.
However, Sikhs were not able to make avail of the legislation as it needed to be passed by the various state governments. Along with that, it required local authorities to put in place registration mechanism.
In essence, the state government’s minority development department has simplified the process of marriage registration and certification for the Sikh community, Maharashtra State Punjabi Sahitya Academy executive chairman Bal Malkit Singh told a local media.
“This is a landmark step that ensures there is no need for individual petitions to municipal bodies. It will bring about a simplified and seamless marriage registration process, and ensure trouble-free issuance of marriage certificates. It awards legal recognition to Anand Karaj marriages in Maharashtra,” he said.
“The department promptly took cognisance and issued a letter on Feb 25 to all departmental commissioners. A copy was provided to us on March 3, confirming the statewide implementation of the act,” Singh said.
“In Maharashtra, the rules were framed in 2020 but with no practical implementation, sometimes forcing couples to register under other legislations. Navi Mumbai Municipal Corporation became the first city in Maharashtra to implement the new Act in 2020,” he added.
The academy and the 11-member Sikh Coordination Committee, Government of Maharashtra, had submitted a representation on February 6 to the Minority Development Department secretary Ruchesh to implement the Act to ensure seamless registration and issuance of marriage certificates, repoted the Free Press Journal.
ASIA SAMACHAR is an online newspaper for Sikhs / Punjabis in Southeast Asia and beyond. You can leave your comments at our website, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. We will delete comments we deem offensive or potentially libelous. You can reach us via WhatsApp +6017-335-1399 or email: asia.samachar@gmail.com. For obituary announcements, click here
A part of the 3 piece (triptych) mixed media ‘Jallianwala: Repression and Retribution‘’ by The Singh Twins
By Prabhjot Singh | Opinion |
After British parliamentarian Bob Blackman asked the British Government to formally “apologize” for the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, former Indian MP and former Chairman of India’s National Minorities Commission, Tarlochan Singh, has urged the first turbaned Sikh British MP, Tanmanjeet Singh Dhesi, to endorse his fellow MP’s demand.
Tarlochan Singh wants him to raise the issue in the British House of Commons to seek an “official apology” for one of the worst “massacres of innocents” in the last century.
Demanding the apology on the lines the Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau tendered in the House of Commons for the Komagata Maru episode, Tarlochan Singh said that “the gravity of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre was much more serious as innocents were greeted with cannon when they assembled for a peaceful congregation to demand independence”.
In 2016, Justin Trudeau tendered an unconditional apology for the 1914 Komagata Maru incident in which hundreds of Sikh, Muslim and Hindu passengers were denied entry to Canada and forced to return to an uncertain and ultimately violent fate in British-ruled India.
The then-Opposition Leader, Rona Ambrose, NDP Leader Tom Mulcair, BQ Leader Rheal Fortin, and Green Party Leader Elizabeth May also rose to add their voices and endorse the apology.
“Canada does not bear alone the responsibility for every tragic mistake that occurred with the Komagata Maru and its passengers, but Canada’s government was without question responsible for the laws that prevented these passengers from immigrating peacefully and securely. For that, and for every regrettable consequence that followed, we are sorry,” Trudeau said in his statement.
Though demands for a similar apology have been raised from time to time, including during the visit of the British Monarch and Prime Ministers to India, the issue has not progressed beyond the “regrets” expressed by the British top elite.
As the worst massacre approaches its 106th anniversary, the demand has surfaced again, this time a British MP, Bob Blackman, raising it.
WHAT IS AT STAKE?
It is time to analyze the issue in perspective. It was not only the worst massacre in recent memory of humankind, but it also infringed upon various sensitive issues, including human rights and freedom of expression.
Let us examine the broader issues and sequence of events that led to this darkest phase of the Indian freedom struggle. Here are the issues:
Did it give birth to the concept of state terrorism?
Was it the handiwork of General Dyer alone?
Has the country done justice to martyrs and their families?
Is it time to look beyond rituals?
Bagh’s epoch and media?
Punjab’s tryst with censorship?
Should the British government apologize for the Jallianwala Bagh massacre?
In a liberal democracy, the media have a vital role to play. Though acknowledged as the Fourth Estate, freedom of the Press has become a mere bogey as it was during the Jallianwala Bagh epoch.
Not many would know that during the Jallianwala Bagh epoch, the British used draconian laws to curb the freedom of the Press. They resorted to censorship, not once but twice, to gag the media. Still unsatisfied, the then-editor of The Tribune, Kalinath Ray, was taken into custody for opposing the empire.
A section of the media, including The Tribune, served its readers as a fearless voice of the people of Punjab. When one looks back at the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, one cannot overlook the role the media played.
EPOCHAL EVENT
The Jallianwala Bagh massacre was a gruesome episode that changed the narrative of the freedom struggle. It not only symbolized the brute power that the British used to contain the growing demand of the populace for freedom, liberty, and equality but also exposed the desperation of the rulers in suppressing the growing revolt. This epochal event gave a new direction to the war for independence and changed the course of subcontinental history. It paved the way for Mohan Dass Karam Chand Gandhi to become Mahatma.
Before the Vaisakhi 1919 massacre, Jallianwala Bagh was a dumping ground of no political significance. But things witnessed a massive change afterwards. It provided the much-needed launch pad that guided the destiny of the nation. Interestingly, many in the crowd had come to Amritsar to join Vaisakhi celebrations at the Golden Temple, and some others were there for the annual cattle fair. They headed for Jallianwala Bagh to kill time without realizing what was in store for them. That day, no leader in the Bagh could control or keep the gathering together.
Historian VN Dutta believed that the alleged culprit was Hans Raj, chief organizer of the rally. It was he who prevented people from dispersing. Rather, he asked everyone to sit down so the government would not resort to feared fire.
“After a while, he waved his handkerchief, signalling to Dyer and his Indian soldiers to open fire. Hans Raj had already left. He was an agent provocateur. He was later moved away to Mesopotamia, and his house in Amritsar was burnt,” V.N. Dutta had said in an interview. General Dyer refused to believe that the crowd assembled at Jallianwala Bagh was innocent but hostile and had come prepared to defy authority.
Has the nation given Jallianwala Bagh and its martyrs their due? The Bagh may have been renovated and given a facelift in recent years. But does that mitigate the anguish of the people who lost their near and dear ones or the fellow citizens who wanted freedom from the British empire? The British Government is still not ready to apologize for its actions 106 years ago. It should have taken a lesson from the Canadian government that offered an unconditional apology for its comparatively lesser grave action in the Komagata Maru episode.
Six years ago, rituals were gone through meticulously as the events unfolded to observe the centenary of the epochal event. The country’s Vice-President came, laid a wreath, joined a ceremonial salute to the unknown martyrs, and released a coin and a set of postage stamps to mark the historic event. Unfortunately, after 106 years, no one knows how many freedom seekers laid down their lives in a most controversial, barbaric action that in the present day would have put to shame the infamous 9/11 terrorist attack on the twin towers in New York.
At that time, there were no human rights activists, and not many would know what terrorism, including state terrorism, was all about.
Even after more than a century, the majority belief that the Jallianwala Bagh massacre was the result of a conspiracy has not been satisfactorily countered. Was it a unilateral action by the then Lieutenant Governor Sir Michael O’Dwyer? Or was it the culmination of incidents, including the widespread violence following the arrest of some Punjab leaders, including Dr Saifuddin Kitchlew and Dr Satya Pal, besides the murder of five Europeans and the assault of missionary Miss Sherwood? Or was it because of the infamous Rowlatt Bills?
STATE TERRORISM
Whatever the background or provocation, it was one of the single largest instances of brutal misuse of state power against innocent, unarmed, and peaceful protestors. Was the punishment given to the victims proportionate to the violation of law they committed, wittingly or unwittingly? Not many references were made in those days about terrorism, what to talk of State terrorism. Now that the world has redefined terrorism and state terrorism, social scientists in general and those studying armed conflicts will have little or no hesitation to identify the Jallianwala Bagh massacre as probably the beginning of State terrorism of suppressing or silencing the voice of dissent with brute firepower. It was the worst or blatant violation of human rights.
While the demand for an apology from the British for this unprecedented massacre has been growing louder year after year, many still see it as a major aberration or act of rashness on the part of General Dyer. He believed that by killing innocent people in Jallianwala Bagh, he was sending a message to Punjab and the world that he would manage to put a finger in the dyke. Provoked by the Punjab rebellion, especially after the incidents of April 10, 11 and 12, Dyer became furious and aggressive. With 25 Gurkhas and an equal number of Baluchis, he reached Jallianwala Bagh on the fateful day. The troops fired about 1,650 bullets.
The number of people killed in the firing and those who jumped into the well could not be authenticated even after 106 years. Even today, no one has an authentic number of those who attained martyrdom that day. Many injured died due to a lack of medical attention.
The figures of 359 or 379 killed in firing were not working figures. Local newspapers, however, put the figure of those killed at over 1,000. Historian VN Dutta held that as many as 700 died in the firing. Besides, several thousand were injured and received treatment at non-official clinics or health centres. All O’Dwyer wanted was to send a strong message that Amritsar in Punjab could become a storm centre of rebellion against the British Empire, and the evil had to be nipped in the bud.
Realizing that Vaisakhi was a big event and there could be massive turnouts for protests against Rowlatt Bills, the British ordered prohibitory orders on April 12 and 13 that banned public rallies, taking out of processions or gathering of groups of people at a place. Without any warning to the crowd, he ordered fire. Havoc ensued. The gathering, terrorized by the firing, broke up. People ran for shelter, and the narrow passageways were all crammed. Some jumped into the well for safety. Those who tried to climb the walls were caught.
Killing unarmed innocent people in cold blood in Jallianwala Bagh probably gave birth to ruthless State terrorism. For Punjab, it was nothing new except that the magnitude this time was enormous.
MEDIA LITMUS TEST
The Jallianwala Bagh massacre was also a litmus test for the media, which at that time was in its infancy and limited to a few newspapers. One of the newspapers that the British tried to dismiss as a small local newspaper was The Tribune.
Media coverage of the events became a subject of considerable comment and criticism. The State used law not only to prevent the publication of what was called “objectionable material” but the publishers of several newspapers, including those opposed to the British Empire, were accused of “secessionist propaganda”. But it did not deter upright media. Punjab was the centre point of growing turbulence. Intriguingly, Independent India has subsequently used the laws the British framed to curb the freedom struggle. Not many would forget the days after the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi tried to curb freedom of the Press during the draconian emergency days. Subsequently, Punjab, too, suffered repeated doses of censorship both during and after Operation Bluestar.
In a liberal democracy, the media have a vital role to play. Though acknowledged as the Fourth Estate, freedom of the Press has become a mere bogey, as it was during the Jallianwala Bagh epoch. The concept of the notorious “Gaudi Media” has, of late, come to stay. The coverage of the farmers’ agitation in recent years has been an example. The latest is the case of the stand-up comedian Kunal Kamra. Not many would know that the Jallianwala Bagh epoch saw the beginning of censorship.
The British used draconian law to curb the freedom of the Press. They resorted to censorship, not once but twice, to gag the media. Still unsatisfied, the then-editor of The Tribune, Kalinath Ray, was taken in custody for opposing the Empire.
In 1919, a section of media, including The Tribune, served its readers as a fearless voice of the people of Punjab. When one looks back at the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, one cannot overlook the role the media played.
It was repeated during the 1977 emergency, when Madhavan Nair, then-editor of The Tribune, and senior journalists like Shyam Khosla and Makhan Lal Kak had to face the wrath of the black laws, including detention under the draconian National Security Act and Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA). Again, in 1984, these draconian laws were used by the State to gag Indian media in general and that of Punjab and Chandigarh in particular.
Prabhjot Singh, is a Toronto-based award winning independent journalist, He was celebrated by AIPS, the international body of sports journalists, for covering ten Olympics at its centennial celebrations held at UNESCO Centre in Paris during the 2024 Olympic Games. Besides, he has written extensively about business and the financial markets, the health industry, the public and private sectors, and aviation. He has worked as a political reporter besides covering Sikh and Punjab politics. He is particularly interested in Indian Diaspora and Sikh Diaspora in particular. His work has also appeared in various international and national newspapers, magazines and journals.
ASIA SAMACHAR is an online newspaper for Sikhs / Punjabis in Southeast Asia and beyond. You can leave your comments at our website, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. We will delete comments we deem offensive or potentially libelous. You can reach us via WhatsApp +6017-335-1399 or email: asia.samachar@gmail.com. For obituary announcements, click here
Home Sweet Loan, an Indonesia film released last year, captures the complexities of Jakarta’s middle-class workers and the struggles of a young lady who yearns for a home. The movie brings into sharp focus the hardship faced by an office worker, compounded by curve balls thrown by family members.
The story revolves around Kaluna Darmawan (Yunita Siregar), the youngest sibling who is not married. Unable to move out of her parents’ crowded home that often left her feeling disturbed and uncomfortable, she marshalls head on to achieve her dream of buying her own home.
The families of her married elder brother and sister live together in the family house. Kaluna ends up having to sacrifice space and money to keep the household running.
She’s hard working, she’s diligent, and she’s frugal in her life. Unlike the spendthrift sister-in-law and a brother who’s rather cavalier with life.
Yunita delivers a standout performance as Kaluna. Her subtle facial expressions depict what it means to be a middle-class worker. For example, in scenes where she silently walks home after work, the weight of her struggles is palpable without the need for dialogue, captures one review of the movie.
She has a simple dream: hot water shower and space of her own. But it comes with a price.
Film director Sabrina Rochelle Kalangie presents Jakarta in its rawest form: the traffic, the packed commuter trains and the cramped living spaces, according to the review in the Asian Movie Pulse.
If you love real-life stuff, you will love this movie.
ASIA SAMACHAR is an online newspaper for Sikhs / Punjabis in Southeast Asia and beyond. You can leave your comments at our website, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. We will delete comments we deem offensive or potentially libelous. You can reach us via WhatsApp +6017-335-1399 or email: asia.samachar@gmail.com. For obituary announcements, click here
With a heavy heart and deep regret, we the family of Mata Kerpil Kaur @ Karam Kaur d/o Sohan Singh Village Riar, Batala and wife of Late Piara Singh (Postal) announce her passing on 30 March 2025. We are so blessed to have a mother who exhibited such love, strength, resilience and compassion. We are what you made us today.
Grandchildren: Ramveer Singh, Jaskeerat Singh, Jai Singh, Jaisimret Kaur, Sehejkeerat Kaur, Reena Roop Kaur, Tej Singh, Ravjeet Singh, Dyaaveer Singh, Jag Jiwan Singh, Karanveer Singh, Veer Singh, Susheel Kaur
Siblings & Spouses: Jit Kaur / Late Dalip Singh Gian Kaur / Late Joga Singh Charan Kaur / Jaswant Singh Late Sardool Singh Sovindar Kaur / Late Arjan Singh
Cortege leaves 67, Jalan Setiajasa, Bukit Damansara on Tuesday, 1 April 2025 at 1:15PM Wake will be held on Tuesday, 1 April 2025 at 1:45PM – 2:30PM and Saskaar thereafter at Shamshan Bhoomi crematorium at Shanshaam Bhoomi, Jalan Loke Yew Crematorium, Kuala Lumpur.
Anthim Ardaas will be held at Gurdwara Sahib Sentul from 5 – 7pm on Saturday, 5 April 2025
ASIA SAMACHAR is an online newspaper for Sikhs / Punjabis in Southeast Asia and beyond. You can leave your comments at our website, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. We will delete comments we deem offensive or potentially libelous. You can reach us via WhatsApp +6017-335-1399 or email: asia.samachar@gmail.com. For obituary announcements, click here
With heavy hearts, we announce the passing of Jasvan Singh, who left us peacefully on 30 March 2025 at 9:29 PM.
He is lovingly remembered by his wife, Mata Kirpal Kaur, and children: Gurcharan Singh / Jaspal Kaur Harjit Kaur Ranveer Singh / Sarjit Kaur Manjit Kaur / Terlok Singh Kuldip Singh / Parminder Kaur Balbir Singh / Harjinder Kaur Dharam Updesh Kaur / Pretham Singh Pritam Kaur / Parminder Singh
Also cherishing his memory are his grandchildren and great-grandchildren.
LAST RITES Monday, 31 March 2025 The wake will be held on 31 March 2025 at our residence at 28, Lorong Singh, Batu 16 1/2, Jalan Pantai, Port Dickson 2:00pm: Sri Sukhmani Sahib prayers will commence 4:00pm: The cortège depart for the cremation at Sua Betong Crematorium, Port Dickson.
PATH DA BHOG Saturday, 19 April 2025 Venue: Gurdwara Sahib Seremban 9:30am: Kirtan & Katha followed by Sehaj Path Da Bhog 11:30am: Antim Ardaas and Guru Ka Langgar
We humbly seek your prayers and presence as we gather in Chardi Kala in Antim Ardaas of Jasvan Singh. Please treat this as a personal invitation to join us in Ardaas and Seva, seeking Waheguru’s blessings for his soul’s journey.
ASIA SAMACHAR is an online newspaper for Sikhs / Punjabis in Southeast Asia and beyond. You can leave your comments at our website, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. We will delete comments we deem offensive or potentially libelous. You can reach us via WhatsApp +6017-335-1399 or email: asia.samachar@gmail.com. For obituary announcements, click here
Racism: The politics of skin pigmentation continues to shape contemporary power structures. – AI Generated Photo
By Gurnam Singh | Opinion |
Introduction
Skin pigmentation has long been politicised, serving as a basis for discrimination and prejudice, whether that is in the form social segregation, economic exploitation and cultural exclusion. Historically, European colonial powers leveraged skin colour as a marker of superiority, developing all kinds of pseudo-scientific racial theories to legitimise slavery and imperial domination (Eze, 1997). One of the effects of these new theories of ‘race’ was to hierarchy place lighter-skinned individuals at the top, associating whiteness with intelligence, beauty, and moral virtue, while those with darker skin were systematically marginalised. The legacy of these ideologies persists today, evident in global beauty standards, employment discrimination, and socio-economic disparities. In many post-colonial societies, including India and Brazil, prejudice based on skin tone, remains deeply entrenched, with lighter-skinned individuals often receiving preferential treatment in education, marriage, and professional opportunities (Hunter, 2007).
The politics of skin pigmentation continues to shape contemporary power structures. In the United States, for example, studies indicate that individuals with lighter skin tones receive more lenient criminal sentences and higher wages than their darker-skinned counterparts, even within the same racial category (Monk, 2014). Similarly, the global cosmetics industry, worth billions, thrives on the promotion of skin-lightening products, reinforcing the notion that fair skin equates to higher social status (Glenn, 2008). This phenomenon is particularly pronounced in East and South Asia, where advertising frequently depicts fair skin as a prerequisite for success and desirability. In India alone, the Indian the skin lightening cream market is estimated to be worth US$500 million with leading brands, such as, Hindustan Unilever (Lakmé), Procter & Gamble (Garnier), and Lotus Herbals manufacturing the products to meet market demand.
What is skin colour?
The logic of racism is built around the idea that there are certain immutable or inherited human differences, of which skin pigmentation is one, and that these correlate with ability and/or certain traits. However, from a scientific perspective, associating skin pigmentation with human capacities or worth is fundamentally flawed. The deployment of the notion of ‘black people’ and ‘white people’, which is common within race related discourses, when put under scrutiny black and white are not colours in a strict physical sense; in absolute darkness, all objects, including human skin, appear black, while white is a composite of all visible wavelengths of light. Our perception of skin tone is simply the result of how different levels of melanin interact with light.
This basic principle of optics underscores the irrationality of associating skin colour with racial identity. There are no truly “black”, “brown”, “white”, or “yellow” people; there are only individuals whose skin tone reflects light differently due to evolutionary adaptations to varying climates. Indeed, based on reflected light, no two human beings, other than identical twins perhaps, will have precisely the skin colour! Yet societies have constructed deep-seated hierarchies around these superficial differences, treating pigmentation as if it signifies innate moral, intellectual, or biological distinctions.
Race and myth making
There is general consensus amongst sociologists, historians and scientists that the idea of the existence of different human races is a myth. As historian Barbara Fields argues, race is not a biological fact but “an ideology that emerged in specific historical circumstances and for particular social purposes” (Fields, 1990). Race was created to justify economic and political systems, most notably colonialism and slavery, rather than to describe any meaningful scientific category of human variation. Genetic research confirms that differences within so-called racial groups are greater than those between them (Lewontin, 1972).
Sheena Mason, in Theory of Racelessness, challenges the very foundation of racial categorisation. She contends that since race is a fiction, sustained not by biology but by constructed beliefs, the entire concept must be dismantled rather than reformed (Mason, 2022). Instead of combating racism within the framework of race, she advocates for rejecting the framework itself.
The Politics of Skin Colour
James Baldwin, in The Fire Next Time, famously wrote, “Colour is not a human or a personal reality; it is a political reality” (Baldwin, 1963). Race is not a neutral descriptor, but a construct used to maintain power structures. The association of whiteness with privilege and blackness with marginalisation is not a reflection of human nature but of systems deliberately designed to uphold racial hierarchies.
Frantz Fanon, in Black Skin, White Masks, argued that racism strips people of their individuality, reducing them to racialised projections rather than recognising them as fully human (Fanon, 1952). Those who internalise racial constructs, whether as oppressors or the oppressed, reinforce the very myths that sustain discrimination.
Dismantling the Illusion of race
One of the major manifestations of racism is the assignment of hierarchy and value to the illusion of skin colour. Most historians argue that this form of racial thought is not ‘natural’ but a product of European colonialism, the transatlantic slave trade, and the rise of capitalism, all of which were reinforced by racial theories to justify human exploitation (Eze, 1997). This included the association of whiteness with beauty, intelligence, and moral superiority. Dismantling these structures of thought requires challenging the deep-seated association between skin colour and worth at both institutional and cultural levels.
The way forward
Believing in racial differences based on skin colour is as irrational as believing in fairies. It is a fantasy, one with devastating real-world consequences. But if we are to overcome racial fantasies, such as those associated with skin colour, we cannot be confined to confronting individual prejudice also; it requires dismantling the economic, political, and cultural structures that perpetuate the ideas associated with racial differences. This means rethinking everything from educational curricula to media representation, from economic policies to global inequalities.
The ultimate goal is not just the elimination of racism but, as Sheena Mason argues, to undo the belief in race itself as a meaningful construct and the development of a ‘raceless’ consciousness. One might reasonably think that by learning that making judgements based on skin colour, which is a simple play of light, one can rapidly move towards a raceless world. However, like most complex problems that transcend logic, this is much harder to achieve and will ultimately require nothing less than a paradigm shift.
References Baldwin, J. (1963). The Fire Next Time. Dial Press. Eze, E.C. (1997). Race and the Enlightenment: A Reader. Blackwell. Fanon, F. (1952). Black Skin, White Masks. Editions du Seuil. Fields, B. (1990). Slavery, Race and Ideology in the United States of America. New Left Review, 181, 95–118. Glenn, E.N. (2008). Yearning for Lightness: Transnational Circuits in the Marketing and Consumption of Skin Lighteners. Gender & Society, 22(3), 281–302. Hunter, M. (2007). The Persistent Problem of Colourism: Skin Tone, Status, and Inequality. Sociology Compass, 1(1), 237–254. Lewontin, R.C. (1972). The Apportionment of Human Diversity. Evolutionary Biology, 6, 381–398. Mason, S. (2022). Theory of Racelessness: A Case for Antirace(ism). Palgrave Macmillan. Monk, E. (2014). Skin Tone Stratification among Black Americans, 2001–2003. Social Forces, 92(4), 1313–1337.
Gurnam Singh is an academic activist dedicated to human rights, liberty, equality, social and environmental justice. He is an Associate Professor of Sociology at University of Warwick, UK. He can be contacted at Gurnam.singh.1@warwick.ac.uk
* This is the opinion of the writer and does not necessarily represent the views of Asia Samachar.
ASIA SAMACHAR is an online newspaper for Sikhs / Punjabis in Southeast Asia and beyond. You can leave your comments at our website, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. We will delete comments we deem offensive or potentially libelous. You can reach us via WhatsApp +6017-335-1399 or email: asia.samachar@gmail.com. For obituary announcements, click here
Johor police chief Commissioner M Kumar presenting a plaque honouring the late Supt Kalawan Singh to his wife Manjit Kaur at the 218th Police Day celebration at Gurdwara Sahib Johor Bahru on March 29, 2025 – Photo: Johor PDRM Facebook
By Asia Samachar | Malaysia |
Superintendant Kalawan Singh served the Malaysian police force for 41-years with all his heart, always putting the force above everything else.
Kalawan passed away on February 28, at the age of 67, nearly years after retiring from the Malaysian police force in May 2018.
His long and cherished service was commemorated at the 218th Police Day celebration by Sikh police personnel at the Gurdwara Sahib Johor Bahru today (March 29).
Johor police chief Commissioner M Kumar presented a plaque, displaying Supt Kalawan’s photo and his police rank badges over the years, to his wife Manjit Kaur. Also present was Kalawan’s son Inspector Sukhbir Singh Sraaa, who is at present serving the police force.
Sukhbir described his father as strict and straightforward when dealing with people.
“He’s hard-working and a no-nonsense type of a person. I’ve not seen anyone working as hard as him. He rose from the ranks. And he loved his job,” he told Asia Samachar.
Kalawan joined the Malaysian police as a constable on Sept 15, 1976. For the first seven years, he served as a marching instructur at the police training outfit. He then served as a corporal (4 1/2 years), inspector and chief inspector (9 years), ASP (8 1/2 years), DSP (9 years) and Superintendent (4 years).
Supt (Rtd) Kalawan Singh
He had served in Kuala Lumpur, Johor, Kelantan and Malacca. Before retiring, he served as the Malacca state deputy head of criminal investigation department (CID).
Kalawan is proficient in at least seven languages: Malay, English, Panjabi, Hindi, Hokkien, Cantonese and Tamil. The black belt holder first dan had also read a law degree from Universiti Malaya.
Kumar was accompanied by ACP Balveer Singh Mahindar Singh who led the Johor Sikh celebration committee. (For more photos, click here).
In another related event today, Kumar joined some 500 Hindu officers and police personnel at the Arulmigu Thendayuthapani Kovil in Johor Bahru.
ASIA SAMACHAR is an online newspaper for Sikhs / Punjabis in Southeast Asia and beyond. You can leave your comments at our website, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. We will delete comments we deem offensive or potentially libelous. You can reach us via WhatsApp +6017-335-1399 or email: asia.samachar@gmail.com. For obituary announcements, click here
It is with profound grieve and deep sorrow that we announce the passing of Sardar Harvindher Singh has returned to heavenly abode on 29 March 2025 (Saturday) leaving behind family, relatives and friends.
The wake will be today onwards at their residence 6, Lorong Melur 2, Taman Sin Tatt, 12300 Butterworth.
Parents: Late Sardar Kartar Singh and Late Sardarni Pritam Kaur
Parents-in-Law: Late Sardar Hari Singh & Sardarni Mahinder Kaur (Tg Tualang)
Wife: Manjeet Kaur
Children: Malvindherjit Singh, Jashreen Kaur
LAST RITES Sunday, 30 March 2025
2pm: Cortège leaves residence at 6, Lorong Melur 2, Taman Sin Tatt, 12300 Butterworth 3pm: Saskaar (cremation) at Sikh Crematorium Butterworth, Jalan Siram
PATH DA BHOG 5 April 2025, Saturday From 6pm to 8pm Gurdwara Sahib Butterworth
For further information, please contact: Malvn 011 7037 4795 Daljit 012 254 8495
ASIA SAMACHAR is an online newspaper for Sikhs / Punjabis in Southeast Asia and beyond. You can leave your comments at our website, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. We will delete comments we deem offensive or potentially libelous. You can reach us via WhatsApp +6017-335-1399 or email: asia.samachar@gmail.com. For obituary announcements, click here
SAHEJ PAATH DA PHOG ` Gurdwara Sahib Sentul 6th April, 2025, Sunday 6:30am – 7:30am: Asa Ke Vaar 9:30 am – 12:00pm: Keeetan Darbaar & Sahej Paath Da Phog
ASIA SAMACHAR is an online newspaper for Sikhs / Punjabis in Southeast Asia and beyond. You can leave your comments at our website, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. We will delete comments we deem offensive or potentially libelous. You can reach us via WhatsApp +6017-335-1399 or email: asia.samachar@gmail.com. For obituary announcements, click here
