By Gurnam Singh | Opinion |

As we approach the 40th anniversary of the anti-Sikh pogroms in Delhi and other parts of India in November 1984, an opportunity presents itself for both Sikhs and the Indian State to reflect on those tragic events and potentially to map a path towards peace, justice, and reconciliation. Notwithstanding the Indian State’s covert policies to target Sikh activists within the diaspora, most notably the assassination of Hardeep Singh Nijjar in Canada, which has led to serious diplomatic fallout between the Indian and Canadian governments, Punjab has been largely free of significant violence for the past 20 years. This does not mean that all is well, but there is widespread acceptance among Sikh activists in India and the diaspora that the ‘armed struggle’ is over and that the only way forward is through peaceful democratic struggle. Indeed, the group most active in campaigning for Khalistan, Sikhs for Justice (SFJ), goes out of its way to make it clear that its strategy for achieving its ultimate goal is peaceful and democratic.

As SFJ leader Gurpatwant Singh Pannu stated in an interview for Time Magazine on 15th December 2023, following credible revelations that he was on an Indian government hit list: “I will not use a bullet. I will never incite the people of Punjab who are working with me to go and take violence as the path. Because that is exactly what I’m fighting. We are fighting India’s violence with votes”

SEE: Exclusive: Gurpatwant Singh Pannun on Sikh Separatism and Being the Target of a Foiled Assassination (TIME, Nov 27, 2023)

Recent overtures towards the Sikhs from Rahul Gandhi, the leader of the Indian Congress Party and grandson of then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, offer some hope that the festering wound may begin to heal. It was during his ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’ (Unite India March) that, while in Punjab in January 2023, Rahul declared that “India would not be India had it not been for the Sikhs and that they were part of the country’s backbone.” Specifically, in an overture to the Indian Army assault in June and the November 1984 Sikh genocide, he said that ‘reconciliation was a small word’ and that he had “love and affection for the people of this state [Punjab] and huge respect for the Sikh community for what they have done and what they are going to do in the future.”

More recently, in September 2024 during his visit to the US (remarks later repeated in the Lok Sabha), he went so far as to confirm Sikh claims that they were being systematically discriminated against in India. “The fight is about whether a Sikh is going to be allowed to wear his turban in India or a kada in India. Or he, as a Sikh, is going to be able to go to the gurdwara. That’s what the fight is about. And not just for him, for all religions” (Washington, 10th September 2024).

The horrific events, increasingly recognized as genocide, followed the assassination of then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on 31st October 1984. Her assassins were her two Sikh bodyguards, Beant Singh and Satwant Singh. Beant was shot dead during the assassination, whereas Satwant, after a trial, was executed on 6th January 1989 alongside Kehar Singh, who was deemed the mastermind behind the assassination conspiracy. All three were later honored by the supreme Sikh body, the Akaal Takht, as ‘kaumi shaheed’ or ‘martyrs of the Sikh nation.’

Indira Gandhi’s death, attributed to her decision to orchestrate Operation Blue Star—a military operation targeting the Golden Temple in Amritsar—ignited a wave of violence against Sikhs across India. The riots, particularly in Delhi, resulted in the killing of thousands of Sikhs, widespread arson, and systemic attacks on their homes and businesses. Estimates of the number of Sikhs killed vary, with government statistics placing it around 3,000, while data from citizens’ groups suggests numbers as high as 17,000. Tragically, due to successive cover-ups, the true figures may never be known.

The violence that followed news of Indira Gandhi’s assassination was characterized by its brutality and the complicity of state actors, particularly the ruling Congress Party. Eyewitness accounts and numerous reports indicate that the riots were not spontaneous but orchestrated attacks, with local Congress leaders inciting violence and law enforcement turning a blind eye. Many in the Sikh community felt abandoned by the state that was meant to protect its citizens, and, in keeping with Sikh tradition, they had to fend for themselves.

Among the most harrowing episodes was the violence in Delhi’s Tilak Vihar area, particularly in what has become tragically known as the ‘Widows Colony.’ Thousands of Sikhs were murdered, and the area became home to women who lost their husbands in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. Survivors recounted how mobs armed with weapons and fueled by hatred attacked Sikh families, subjected many women to sexual violence, and set homes ablaze, leaving entire communities shattered.

The state-sponsored violence in Delhi left many Sikh commentators, previously loyal to India, questioning their future. The respected Sikh writer and staunch Indian loyalist Khushwant Singh, in his writings after the lack of justice for Sikhs post-November 1984, struck a cautious tone, warning against alienating Sikhs and of a legacy of ill-will and bloodshed (Outlook Magazine, 7th Nov 2004).

SIKH SOVEREIGNTY

Though June and November 1984 are pivotal moments in Sikh historical memory, demands for Sikh sovereignty stretch back further. The establishment of the Sikh Panth by Guru Nanak, with its rejection of both Brahmanical and Mughal hegemony, represents the beginning of a rupture that continued through and beyond the Guru Period from the 15th to 18th centuries.

In terms of Sikh claims to nationhood, the first reference point is Banda Singh Bahadur, who led a rebellion against the Mughal Empire in 1709. His forces captured Sirhind in 1710, marking a pivotal moment in Sikh history. Banda Singh’s legacy inspired future generations of Sikhs in their struggle for rights and sovereignty. His efforts laid the groundwork for the later Sikh Empire under Maharaja Ranjit Singh.

However, the pursuit of Khalistan in present-day Punjab faces significant hurdles. Punjab, being landlocked, raises questions about economic viability and access to resources. Moreover, while Khalistani activists deny it, the movement struggles with a lack of broad-based support among Sikhs. Many advocates have not clearly articulated the political structure of Khalistan or the status of minorities. Additionally, the power of the Indian state presents formidable challenges. Unless India becomes destabilized, the prospect of establishing an independent Khalistan remains highly unlikely.

SEE: The struggle for Khalistan: What next?

After 40 years of struggle, with many lives lost and limited progress, it is evident that pursuing peace and reconciliation may be the most viable path towards justice. This does not mean accepting defeat but recognizing the power of knowledge in today’s world and crafting a more sophisticated strategy to win hearts and minds.

Advocates of Khalistan must remain open to dialogue, respecting the integrity of India while upholding the democratic right of Sikhs to self-determination. By prioritising reconciliation and working towards justice and equality, Sikhs can create a future where their identity is recognised and celebrated within a diverse India. Moreover, given the mass exodus of Sikh youth out of Panjab and the rapidly dwindling Sikh population in India’s only majority Sikh state, unless steps are taken to address this, the case for Khalistan on the ground level will become increasingly difficult to make. Though this approach may not yield immediate results, it offers hope for sustainable peace and coexistence, transforming the Khalistan narrative from one of division to one of unity and empowerment. Only then can we hope to transform the dream of freedom into a reality.

Gurnam Singh is an academic activist dedicated to human rights, liberty, equality, social and environmental justice. He is an Associate Professor of Sociology at University of Warwick, UK. He can be contacted at Gurnam.singh.1@warwick.ac.uk

* This is the opinion of the writer and does not necessarily represent the views of Asia Samachar.

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