By Gurnam Singh | Opinion |

I am frequently asked for my perspective on Sikh sovereignty and the establishment of an independent homeland known as ‘Khalistan’ in present-day East Punjab. Though I have contributed several articles in Asia Samachar on this topic, this is the first time I am expressing my personal thoughts in such a direct and concise manner. For those who are motivated by emotion alone, I am usure anything I say will be of any relevance. I respect all of those who have a commitment to Sikh sovereignty, which may stem from any number of personal reasons, but if feel the more difficult task of delivering this requires careful reasoned argument based on Sikh ethics, historical insights and international protocols.

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For decades, the discourse surrounding Sikh sovereignty and the establishment of Khalistan has been fuelled by deep-seated emotion and historical trauma, yet the gap between high-minded idealism and the “cold complexities” of nation-building remains wider than ever. History is littered with the shattered dreams of independence struggles and revolutions. Against the backdrop of decolonisation over the past 75 years, A cursory scan of newly established states previously colonised by European powers, reveals a sobering reality: for ordinary people, the promise of freedom can quickly degenerate into a nightmare of state repression, poverty and corruption.

The Arab Springs

In more recent times, for instance, we saw the optimism of the Arab Spring wave of uprisings that began in 2010 and spread across the Middle East and North Africa. One of its major highs was the overthrow of long-standing authoritarian leaders, which inspired hope for democracy, greater political participation, and human rights reforms. In some countries, particularly Tunisia, meaningful constitutional changes and competitive elections followed.

However, the movement also had significant lows. In Syria and Libya, protests escalated into prolonged civil wars, leading to immense human suffering, displacement and instability. In other states, democratic gains were reversed, and authoritarian rule reemerged or tightened.

Palestinian struggle for statehood

But perhaps the most well-known modern day national liberation cause is that of the Palestinian people. In 1948, following the creation of the state of Jewish state of Israel, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were displaced from their homelands, shaping decades of conflict and statelessness. The formation of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1964 provided a unified political voice, and later milestones such as the 1993 Oslo Accords raised hopes for a two-state solution and limited Palestinian self-rule through the Palestinian Authority.

Yet these diplomatic gains were overshadowed by ongoing Israeli settlement expansion, internal political divisions, particularly between Fatah and Hamas, and recurring cycles of violence, especially in Gaza where we have witnessed a terrible war resulting in the deaths of some 70,000 innocent Palestinians as well as many Israeli Jews, albeit in much smaller numbers. While the struggle has sustained a strong sense of national identity and international solidarity, it has also endured prolonged occupation, humanitarian crises, and stalled peace efforts, leaving its ultimate aspirations for statehood and self-determination unresolved.

The Khalistan struggle

Similarities often drawn between the Khalistan movement and the Palestinian cause include themes of self-determination, claims of political marginalization, diaspora activism, and cycles of state repression and militant response. However, the historical contexts, territorial dynamics, religious dimensions and current political realities of the two movements differ significantly.

The present-day Khalistan movement emerged in the 1970s and 1980s among some Sikhs in the Indian state of Punjab as well as the wider diaspora, calling for an independent Sikh homeland called Khalistan. Tensions between Sikh political groups and the Indian government escalated over issues of autonomy for the State of Panjab, culminating in storming of the Golden Temple in Amritsar in 1984 and the military occupation of Panjab. This was followed by the assassination of Indira Gandhi in Oct 1984 and subsequent anti-Sikh pogroms, which deepened grievances and fuelled a Sikh insurgency in the 1990s and the deaths of many on all sides.

Whist the Khalistan case is still being made in Panjab and across the world, as I recently argued (https://asiasamachar.com/2026/01/26/the-khalistan-dream-and-present-reality-four-decades-after-the-1986-sarbat-khalsa-declaration/), an objective evaluation would suggest support for it is rapidly waning and there is little evidence of any progress towards achieving the end goal of a sovereign state.

A charter for establishing Sikh Sovereignty

My view is that if we are to progress the cause of Sikh sovereignty there is a need for a more practical yet principled strategy, which can offer a basis for both Khalistani Sikhs and the Indian State to claim a victory. The reality is that sooner or later, Sikhs and Indians will need to sit down to agree on a settlement. That is unless one is contemplating the destruction of the Indian State, which, in the short term, is extremely unlikely. Indeed, even if this were to happen, there is no guarantee that Sikhs will emerge from this with an independent state.

And so, as I am not a member of any political or religious group, I am offering the below charter as a path toward principled, democratic and pragmatic Sikh statehood. I accept, even if they agree with my sentiments in private, because of a whole range of other interests and factors, it is likely to be ignored or even denounced by the hardliners.

Section I: Philosophical Foundations

1. Universalist Framework: As an internationalist and universalist, I maintain a general scepticism toward traditional nationalism. My support for sovereignty is rooted in human liberty rather than majoritarianism or the politics of identity and I believe this is wholly consistent with Sikh teachings.
2. Universal Rights: I uphold the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a foundational text, specifically the principles of freedom and sovereignty for all individuals and collectives.
3. Democratic Self-Determination: I affirm the right of all “peoples” to self-determination. This right must be exercised within a transparent, democratic framework that respects both individual and group liberties.

Section II: The Punjabi and Sikh Context

1. Cultural Distinctiveness: I recognise that the people of Punjab, and the Sikh community specifically, possess a unique history, culture and identity. Like all other peoples and nations in the world, the Punjabi’s have an inherent right to protect, preserve and propagate this heritage.
2. The Right to Statehood: I support the right of Punjabis and Sikhs to pursue self-determination, which includes the potential establishment of an independent sovereign state, provided it is achieved through non-violent, free and fair democratic processes. Sadly, as the plight of the Palestinians has demonstrated, unless one has overwhelming force, terrorism only invites more repression.
3. Rejection of Imperialism and Dictatorship: As a republican, I explicitly oppose the establishment of an imperial Sikh state, or any form of minority rule, as is advocated by some Khalistani ideologues. A sovereign Punjab must not be a vehicle for the dominance of one ruler, dictator or select group over others, but must be, as uttered by Abraham Lincoln in his famous Gettysburg Address off 1863, “of the people, by the people, for the people.”

Section III: Demographic and Ideological Realities

1. The Necessity of Consensus: A state modelled on the humanitarian principles of Sikhi can only be legitimate if it is inclusive. Therefore, the Sikh cause must successfully persuade non-Sikh residents of Punjab to support its vision.
2. The Demographic Challenge: Given the historical and current demographics of Punjab (both pre- and post-Partition), achieving a democratic majority for a sovereign state remains a monumental challenge.
3. Ideological Expansionism: If a Sikh state is built on universalist humanitarian ideology rather than based on ethnicity or religion, it makes no sense for its borders to be fixed by religion, as was the case with the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. Much like the spread of political movements in the 20th century, the Sikh state’s reach should be defined by the depth and breadth of popular support for humanitarian values. Following this logic, then there is an argument that the aim should be for the whole of India to become Khalistan!

Section IV: The Pragmatic Path Forward

1. The need for pragmatism: 40 years after the case for Khalistan was at its most potent following the massacre of Sikhs in India in June 1984 commencing with the army occupation of Panjab, and in November 1984 and the Sikh Genocide, today the dream is as distant as ever. To keep the flame burning it is important to adopt a more pragmatic principled stance and a justice and reconciliation mechanism in India.
2. The “Vatican” Model: Recognising that in the short term, achieving full statehood is not a feasible project for the reasons set out above, I support the immediate, pragmatic goal of establishing a Sovereign City-State in Amritsar. Modeled after the Vatican, this entity would provide Sikhs with strong institutional representation within India and the international community and the ability to establish embassies and diplomatic missions and to advocate for Sikhs world-wide.

Gurnam Singh is an academic activist dedicated to human rights, liberty, equality, social and environmental justice. He is a Professor of Sociology at University of Warwick, UK. He can be contacted at Gurnam.singh.1@warwick.ac.uk

* This is the opinion of the writer and does not necessarily represent the views of Asia Samachar.

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