How politicians and priests exploit ‘God’ for power, control and worse

Trump’s ability to rally the US religious right, despite his well-documented narcissism, racism, and misogyny, highlights broader concerns about the malleability of religious rhetoric, particularly when it becomes intertwined with politics and nationalism. - Gurnam Singh

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Trump depicted in a carricature featured in The Economist magazine in September 2024

By Gurnam Singh | Opinion |

Following the recent failed assassination attempt on his life, the U.S. presidential candidate and former President Donald Trump claimed he was saved by divine intervention. While such claims are not uncommon among those seeking power, when this narrative becomes central to an election campaign, it raises concerns about the manipulation of religious sentiment for political and personal gain. Trump’s invocation of divine protection seems less like a genuine expression of faith and more like a calculated ploy to garner sympathy and votes, further entrenching his support among the religious right.

Trump’s ability to rally the US religious right, despite his well-documented narcissism, racism, and misogyny, highlights broader concerns about the malleability of religious rhetoric, particularly when it becomes intertwined with politics and nationalism. As scholars such as Karen Armstrong (2001) have argued, the line between spiritual conviction and political manipulation can be perilously thin. The ease with which God can be claimed by political figure to promote hate and violence begs the question: how credible is popular sentiment that religion is a force for good?

Throughout history, leaders have invoked religious authority to legitimize their rule, often in ways that are at odds with the moral teachings of their claimed faith. For example, Christian nationalism in the U.S., as explored by Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry (2020) in Taking America Back for God’, demonstrates how religious symbols and language can be weaponized to justify exclusionary and nationalist agendas.

Similarly, in India, the ruling BJP and its leader Narendra Modi consistently claim they have the blessings of the Gods in their project to establish India as a Hindu nation. In an interview on the news channel NDTV during the recent Indian General Election campaign, Modi was reported as saying that he had “dedicated himself to God”, and that “God had sent (him) for a purpose, and when that purpose is finished, his work will be done.”

Sikhs, too, have their fair share of politicians who invoke divine authority to support their own particular agendas. Indeed, the main Sikh political party, is called the Akali Dal literally translated as the ‘army of the timeless being.’ During a previous election campaign led by the then late Prakash Singh Badal, the chief of the Sikh religious dera (seminary) Harnam Singh Dhumma was hired to appeal to the Sikh masses to ‘pray each morning for Badal and the Akali Dal to secure a victory’. Not only did victory eluded Mr Badal, that election represented the beginning of a sharp decline in the fortunes of rhetorical Akali Dal. Though divine intervention proved to be elusive for the Akali Party, perhaps the recent revelations of deceit and corruption at the highest levels of the party, with the blessings of the high priests, confirms the ease with which God and religion can be co-opted for nefarious purposes.

If one accepts that God represents a universal divine benevolent spirit, it is difficult to see how he would ever support malevolent politicians and their hired clergy. Corruption and political extremism stand in stark contrast to the values of truthfulness, love and benevolence that God is supposed to represent. This dilemma raises the profound theological question: can God ever be invoked to support division, cruelty, fanaticism and violence? And if the answer is yes, this forces us to rethink our understanding of good and evil. Hannah Arendt’s study of the Nazi Holocaust and concept of the “banality of evil” (1963) is particularly insightful here. She suggests that evil no always committed by those labelled as ‘bad people’, but is often carried out by ‘normal people’ who, through ideological manipulation, become complicit in atrocities without fully recognizing the harm they perpetuate.

Trump’s use of religious rhetoric fits into a broader global pattern. Extremists across all faith groups across the world have weaponized religion to justify their political and nationalist aims. And the invocation of God can turbo charge the manipulation of people sentiment’s. While many people of faith actively resist religious nationalism and the co-opting of their traditions, extremists often succeed in distorting the core messages of their religions.

It was precisely in reaction to widespread hate and violence in the name of God and religious affiliation that Guru Nanak conveyed a universal message that emphasised compassion, truth, and justice, whilst simultaneously rejecting superficial religious labels. For Nanak, only by focusing on the shared humanity of all people could we truly claim to be serving Gods. By proclaiming there is no Hindu or Muslim, Guru Nanak was seeking to establish a new humanism that transcended religious boundaries.

The challenge for people of faith today is to reject the fanatical narratives being pushed by political and religious extremists and strive to live in accordance with the highest principles of their beliefs. For Sikhs, this means standing up for the oppressed, challenging the misuse of religion, and remembering that God is Nirvair—without hate, and for all. Whether it’s Trump or any other political or religious leader, the battle remains the same: resisting the manipulation of faith for the sake of power, and reaffirming its true purpose, which is to uplift humanity, not divide it.

References:

Armstrong, K. (2001) The Battle for God. New York: HarperCollins.
Arendt, H. (1963) Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil. New York: Viking Press.
Whitehead, A.L. and Perry, S.L. (2020) Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States. New York: Oxford University Press.

Gurnam Singh is an academic activist dedicated to human rights, liberty, equality, social and environmental justice. He is an Associate Professor of Sociology at University of Warwick, UK. He can be contacted at Gurnam.singh.1@warwick.ac.uk

* This is the opinion of the writer and does not necessarily represent the views of Asia Samachar.

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